Egypt versus Iran, and not only

In an interview offered to a very pro-Iran sympathetic Dieter Bednarz from Spiegel the last week, the foreign minister of Egypt, Sameh Hassan Shoukry outlined several times the unsatisfaction with the constant involvement of Iran in the internal affairs of other countries from region, such as Syria, Bahrain, Iraq or Yemen.Following the latest evolutions in the region and the high proof of Iranian influence especially in Yemen and Syria, based on an expansionist conception focused on strengthening of religious - Shiilte - ties in the region, Egypt stays for now on the side of the opposition to Tehran politics, similarly with Saudi Arabia. Egypt does not  have diplomatic relations with Iran, following the peace treaty with Israel. 

Currenly, Egypt is coping with a resurgence of ISIS regroupement in Sinai,which jeopardizes not only the security in the region, but also tends to isolate Egypt. In the last years, the country kept losing significant amounts of money due to the diminishing of touristic presence. 

In the interview offered to Der Spiegel; Shoukry repeats on several occassions that Tehran involvement is wrong and the opposition against the Iranian officials is justified, including through the measures took against its influence agents, such it was the case of the Shiite leader Nimr Baqir al-Nimr. The Sheikh was condemned to death the 2nd of January. He often pledged for religious freedom in the Kingdom who practices a Wahhabi version of Sunni islam and considers the Shi'a as heretics. Western media and NGOs portrays the sheikh as a fighter for religious freedom. 

Shoukry, a close confident to current president Sisi and former ambassador in the US, Austria and Switzerland during Mubarak, gave the interview before his official visit to Germany.

As things look now, there is Iran against the rest of independent states in the region, with no benefits for anyone, especially for the regional stability.

New clashes in Yemen

New clashed erupted this Tuesday in Sana'a months between various military groups pro and against the new rule in Yemen. As in the case of Algeria or Egypt, the representatives of the military are part of an elite that sometimes decides the fate of the country and the latest clashes were likely determined by the declared intentions of the new government to go further with reforming the Army.

A reform of the Army, in Yemen and elsewhere - Turkey, for instance -, cannot be done smoothly, as each group has its own interests and political games. Strategically speaking, Yemen is part of the main frontline against Al Qaeda and the counter-terrorism measures and preparations took at the local level continue to be an important part of Western interest in the area. 

As in the case of many other countries affected by the 'spring' it is difficult to make predictions about what the future will bring for Yemen: to the serious economic problems or the water crisis, there are several separatist worries and the structural need to cope with corruption and organized crime - looting state institution is part of the daily normality in Sana'a and elsewhere. 

Many people are poor and hopeless while the smart and young intellectuals prefer to apply for scholarships in the US. Safety is important but in order to achieve it you should be done more for setting up the new institutions. A new Iraq within Yemen? Hard to say it clearly now.

Some knowledgeable words about the Muslim Brotherhood

When it comes to decision-making process in the field of foreign affairs, I strongly believe that the local knowledge is very important. As an experienced top diplomat, you need to know not only the local culture, but also the local psychology and the deep history of some political parties and movements.

Especially when in discussion is the Middle East, many Western countries wish more than understand the reality. Of course it is difficult to clearly refuse to be in touch with the elected representatives of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, but at least, they could better prepare their homeworks and be more reserved when it comes to patting them all smiles on the shoulder.

For those curious to find out more about the 'Brothers', whose networks covers all the Muslim countries in North Africa and the most of the Middle East, here is a short description and history of the gang, by a former ambassador of Israel in Jordan and Egypt, as part of Moshe Dayan Center dedicated series.

Another interesting information about the top leadership of the Brotherhood is provided in this analysis of the Council on Foreign Relations. When reading the couple of lines dedicated to the current president of Egypt, I could not resist but thinking about Ahmadinejad - a level 2 bureaucrat with good connections (in the latest case, the Revolutionary Guards). It seems that Dr. Khairat al Shater is someone that we will hear about soon more often in the next months. 

TED Talks about the Middle East

I watched this morning two interesting TED discussions about the Muslim world, through the words of two educated women.

First, it is about the attitudes that supposedly determined the 'Arab Spring', a relatively recent talk, outlining optimistically the prospect of Egypt's leadership in the region. 

The second, about Yemen, is from 2011, and mention the common efforts of men and women in fighting for their rights. As in many other countries in the region, the young Yemenis lead the fight and use their Western knowledge - with jeans and English language. The discussion is held by the editor-in-chief of Yemen Times, a publication in English. 

In both cases, it is not very clear what the outcome will be sooner or later. It is important to see the optimistic side of the story when the reality looks dark. The contact with people is very important and very often I was surprised by the highly educated Yemeni people and the creative Egyptian enthusiasm. Even though I might be skeptical about their chances to go further with their dreams, it is important for the moment to know that there are people who dream.

Will Enthusiasm for Democracy Endure in Egypt and Elsewhere?

The latest report from Pew Research Center.

Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood

In their own words or how to use democracy to kill democracy.
Regional dangers of the current situation in Egypt, the consequences for Israel (and not only).

Egypt, Democracy and Islam

A Pew Research Center analysis from almost one year ago.
My observation is that, usually, during crisis, the opinions are very much exposed to radical and dramatic changes. Everything it is a matter of the leadership and alternatives.
For me, democracy is the only solution, but I am not too much in denial to deny the fact that for many countries, democracy doesn't mean a word. Unfortunately.

Related articles

• Obama's Cairo speech comes back to haunt him (salon.com)
• Who's afraid of democracy? - Ynetnews (news.google.com)
• Britons urged to avoid Egypt march (mirror.co.uk)
• Photos from Egypt, Feb. 1 (theglobeandmail.com)

What it is going on in Egypt

A couple of links regarding the recent evolutions in Egypt:

As in other non-free country, the information regarding the health of the main leader is a matter of state secret. Mubarak is 81 ys. old and the rumours on his condition are persistent since the beginning of the year.

The issue of succession was raised repeatedly in the last years, in line with the Western opinions regarding more democratic reforms in the country.

In the same time, it is an important issue to be taken into account the reconfiguration of the whole area and the need for the Western leaders, for building new partnerships.

A special report on Egypt - The Economist

What's next?

Low seats

I must recognize that I needed to read at least twice this "story" of the low seats diplomatic incident between Israel and Turkey, from the first half of January.

For me, it sounded as a very soap opera fake of the 1001 Nights from the ante chambers of the Ottoman Empire. It is clear this kind of "creativity" do not have nothing to do with diplomacy and I am still processing the practical reasons for taking such a...non sensical setting. What it is for me very curious as well is that the Turkish ambassador accepted to be the actor of this doubtful taste scenario.

We could suppose that he saw the disposition - and the height, of course - of the chairs in the room. But he not only stayed there, but also accepted to be filmed in the front of the camera. Not a single word said directly. It was not a normal situation so it is ridiculous to think about the need to wait for special instructions from Ankara. But, nothing "creative" from this part, by far. And accepted the further victimization. Strange and unknown diplomatic roads. But not excuse, of course, for the mise-en-scene.

Mubarak in Washington,

unrest in Cairo.

Changes to expect in the Middle East?

Or in a post-Mubarak Egypt?

The complicate economic context in Egypt - miracle or political hocus-pocus?.

US envoy heads to Sudan

Retired general Scott Gration is due to visit Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan.

In Darfur, up to 300,000 people have died and 2.7 million have fled their homes.

Obama's speech

an analysis by David Horovitz, from the Jerusalem Post.

Dept. of State Taps eDiplomacy to Spread Obama's Message Through Cairo

Politics Online

President Obama called for a new relationship between the United States and Muslims around the world during his speech in Cairo, Egypt on Thursday, June 4, 2009, and the State Department went to high- tech lengths to make sure that the mesage resonated to as many citizens of the Muslim world as possible. The U.S. Department of State utilized text messaging as a global communications tool, initiating an eDiplomacy program where people from around the world could sign up to receive SMS and text messages with highlights from Pres. Obama's speech. The updates were not available to U.S. citizens since the State Department paid for the text messaging and has a policy of only using funds to address foreign audiences. The text message highlights were available in 13 languages and sent out to more than 200 countries. By completing an online registration form on America.gov, available in English, Arabic, Urdu and Persian, enrolled participants were able to receive the speech highlights and invited to send in their comments. The New York Times reported that the State Department has had difficulty reaching those located in remote areas to inform them that the text messages were available and considers this first eDiplomacy text blast a pilot program. Duncan MacInnes, a State Department spokesman, told the NYT, "It won't be perfect. It is an area we will spend a lot of time thinking about." The White House has a full transcript of the speech posted in 15 different languages and released a short video soon after Obama's speech featuring featuring three Muslim Americans who work for the federal government. Photos of Obama giving the speech are posted on flickr.

For a new American policy in the Middle East

Obama's speech in Cairo.

A couple of observations:

- what during the electoral campaign was rather an argument against him, was used as an element of unity and common understanding with the Muslim world - his personal story, the Muslim ties and the youth spent in Indonesia

- it is time for a partnership between America and Islam

- criticism against some "liberal" Western countries trying to impose to the Muslims what to wear

- Israeli government should stop the policy of settlements (while denouncing the "inacceptable" situation of the Palestinians) and accept a Palestinian state it is in its interest too. Hamas should stop violence and play a role in unifying Palestinian people and recognize the state of Israel. Jerusalem should be the place of praying for Jews, Muslism and Christians

- the discourse was rather faced on the religious aspects and the need for an inter-faith dialogue, rather than on the variety institutionalized Islam took in the Muslim world

Reactions in the Muslim world

Palestinian unity talks resume in Cairo

AFP

Rival Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas resumed reconciliation talks in Cairo on Wednesday aimed at agreeing a government of national unity acceptable to the international community.

The Egyptian-mediated talks between the Islamist Hamas and the Western-backed Fatah of Palestinian Authority president Mahmud Abbas were adjourned on March 19 after failing to agree on a new government.

The two factions met on Wednesday in the presence of Egypt's intelligence chief and pointman for Israeli-Palestinian affairs Omar Suleiman, Egypt's official MENA news agency reported.

MENA quoted an unidentified senior Egyptian official calling on Fatah and Hamas to "face their responsibilities and rise above partisan (quarrels) and the fight for power."

"Egypt will invite the rest of the (Palestinian) factions if there is a breakthrough in the discussions," the official said.

Senior Fatah official Nabil Shaath said remaining differences concern the makeup and programme of the government, the system by which elections will be held next year and the future makeup of Palestinian security forces.

Fatah has been pushing for the formation of a government that would be accepted by the international community, which has boycotted previous unity governments that included Hamas.

Hamas, which won Palestinian parliamentary elections in 2006, has refused to recognise Israel, renounce violence, or accept past peace agreements -- the three main conditions set by Israel and the West.

The Hamas team, including representatives from the Gaza Strip as well as in exile in Damascus, is headed by the movement's deputy leader Moussa Abu Marzouk. The Fatah delegation is headed by Ahmed Qorei.

Hamas, which seized the Gaza Strip in a week of deadly fighting in June 2007, routing Fatah forces from the territory, does not recognise Israel and wants to replace it with an Islamic state.

The Islamist movement had agreed with Fatah in early 2007 to form a unity government that "respected" past agreements with Israel.

The Middle East Quartet, comprising the United States, Russia, the United Nations and the European Union, has set conditions on dealing with Hamas that require the movement to recognise Israel, renounce violence against the Jewish state and comply with past Palestinian-Israeli agreements.

Hamas says those conditions are unacceptable.

The talks come as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu took the helm of a right-wing government that has raised fears about the future of the Middle East peace process.

The Palestinians have given a cold welcome to the new government, with Abbas saying that Netanyahu "does not believe in peace" and urging the international community to pile pressure on Israel.

The European Union last week warned of "consequences" if the new government does not commit itself to the principle of the two-state solution, saying relations would become "very difficult."

With eye against Iran, Arabs wooing Syria

Salah Nasrawi

AP

March 27

When the leaders of Saudi Arabia and Egypt last had Syria's president alone in a room, earlier this month, it was classic "good cop-bad cop."

From Egypt came angry ultimatums — from the Saudi king, soothing and lucrative promises, according to an Egyptian official and a Saudi royal adviser. All with the goal of peeling Syria away from Iran.

The Arab world's top powers are eager to block regional rival Iran's influence in the Middle East. Their key for doing so is to woo Iran's Arab ally Syria, so they have begun engaging Damascus after years of shunning it in anger over what they see as its role in fueling turmoil around the Mideast.

The administration of President Barack Obama is also starting to open up to Damascus, which Washington treated as a pariah for the past eight years because of its support for militant groups like Hezbollah and Hamas.

Syrian President Bashar Assad has been enjoying the new attention. But Damascus has its own agenda, hoping in particular for an economic boost and a peace deal with Israel. It is also reluctant to give up its ties to Iran and Arab militants, because those alliances give it the power to influence events in the region — from Lebanon and the Israeli-Arab conflict, to Iraq.

A gauge of Arab countries' headway with Syria will come on Monday, when Arab leaders gather for their annual summit in the capital of the Gulf state of Qatar. "Arab reconciliation" will top the agenda at the Doha gathering, Arab League Deputy Secretary-General Ahmed Ben Heli said this week. The venue is notable because Qatar has also been at odds with Egypt and Saudi Arabia for its close ties with Syria, Iran and Hamas.

The Saudis and the Egyptians are deeply worried that Shiite-dominated Iran is seeking to fuel Islamic radicalism and establish itself as regional superpower. They blame Syria for helping Iran.

Egypt has been particularly angry because it has been trying to mediate a series of interlocking deals after Israel's assault on Gaza this year — for a truce and prisoner swap between Hamas and Israel, and for a unity government between Hamas and U.S.-backed Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. An agreement could open the door for negotiations on a final Israeli-Palestinian peace accord.

But weeks of painstaking mediation have gone nowhere, and Cairo has accused Syria and Iran of encouraging Hamas to dig in.

At the same time, Saudi Arabia and Egypt have an ulterior motive. With Obama also pursuing dialogue directly with Iran, Washington's Arab allies want to make sure their interests are not left out if the United States and Iran reach any reconciliation.

In early March, Saudi King Abdullah and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak met Syria's Assad in a mini-summit in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, hoping to patch up the rift.

During the meeting, oil-rich Saudi Arabia offered Assad a financial package to offset Iranian aid to Syria, if it breaks with Tehran, a Saudi royal adviser told The Associated Press. Abdullah also promised Assad that the kingdom will mobilize Arab support to back Syria in negotiations for a peace deal with Israel, aimed at winning back the Golan Heights, seized by Israel in 1967.

"What we said was, 'Come back to the Arab fold, and after that everything you need can come,'" said the Saudi official, who was briefed on the March 11 meeting. He spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the closed-door talks.

Assad had a further condition: Arab help to ensure than an international tribunal does not name Assad or his close associates in the case of the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, the Saudi adviser said. A U.N.-mandated court in the Netherlands is due to conduct trials over the assassination, though it has not yet named suspects. Many in Lebanon accuse Syria of being behind Hariri's slaying, a charge Damascus denies.

Holding out, Assad proposed that the sides find a way to "manage their differences" — basically, agree to disagree civilly.

But Egypt's Mubarak took a tough tone, pressing for Assad to commit immediately to Egyptian and Saudi demands. He bluntly warned Assad that there would be no generous Arab overtures until Syria shows a real change of behavior, an Egyptian official said, also speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the closed-door talks.

The mini-summit appeared on the verge of collapsing. But the emir of Kuwait, who was also attending, stepped in and persuaded the two sides to continue talks in the coming weeks, said the Egyptian official, who was also briefed on the meeting.

So far, there has been no sign of a breakthrough. On Monday, Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al-Moallem visited Iran and proclaimed that ties between Damascus and Tehran were "excellent."

Furthermore, the Egyptian-mediated talks with Hamas have since broken up without an agreement.

"It's very difficult for the Palestinian reconciliation to succeed with the ongoing Arab conflicts," Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Hossam Zaki said last week, in a veiled criticism of Syria's and Iran's support for Hamas.

Saudi Arabia's Foreign Minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, took a tough tone when Iran's foreign minister visted Riyadh on March 15, implicitly telling Iran not to meddle in Arab affairs. "Although we appreciate the Iranian concern in Arab issues, from our point of view, this should be conducted through the legitimate Arab doorways," Saud said.

Many Arab countries share Egypt and Saudi Arabia's worries that Obama's outreach to Iran could end up boosting Tehran's influence. The Saudis are urging Obama to be cautious — and to keep Arab nations in mind.

"You can have a bargain with Iran, but you do not have a grand bargain without us. So you can talk as much as you can (with Iran) but can't be sure how useful it is going to be. They (the Americans) need a lot of help," said the Saudi adviser.

"They (Iranians) will milk you for everything until they start behaving in a way which is positive," he said.

See also:

The Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs: The Obama Administration Reaches Out to Syria: Implications for Israel

Egypt's critics have a voice, but never the last word

Michael Slackman

International Herald Tribune
February 18

In Egypt, there is relative freedom to complain about and criticize the government, even the feared security services. Egypt is not Syria in that way, or Saudi Arabia, where public criticism aimed at the state is often dealt with harshly.

But that is where freedom stops.

"I call it the freedom to scream," said Fahmy Howeidy, a writer who has often criticized the government without penalty. "You can say what you want. But you cannot act."

The detention this month of Philip Rizk, an Egyptian-German who organized a peaceful march in support of Palestinians in Gaza, received international attention because of his dual nationality and because he was held incommunicado and without charge.

But what made Rizk's case extraordinary was how routine it actually was, according to political activists, political scientists, bloggers, Islamists, former prisoners and human rights groups here and abroad. It is all too common for the security services to grab citizens, detain them without charge, refuse to release any information concerning their whereabouts and deny them even the minimal protections, under an emergency law passed decades ago to help fight terrorism.

"In Egypt, it's sort of a soft dictatorship," said Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information in Cairo. "They want to have a pleasant image. But Egypt is ruled by the security apparatus."

The security services appear to have decided that it is generally acceptable to write for a newspaper. But bloggers are another matter. For some reason, as yet unexplained, blogging seems to cross the line from speaking to acting.

It may be that bloggers, by nature, are less willing to stop at the edge of what criticism is tolerated. Newspaper writers, for example, are cautious about how they deal with the president; bloggers have often attacked him head-on.

Many bloggers have been arrested and beaten and thrown in jail. Eid said his organization was handling more than 100 cases of bloggers being detained. He keeps on his wall a snapshot of Abdul Kareem Nabeel Suleiman, a young blogger sentenced to four years in prison for criticizing President Hosni Mubarak and the state's religious institutions.

Karim el-Beheiri is a blogger too. He is a nervous wreck. His legs don't stop jumping, his eyes dart around, and he smokes three packs a day. He suffers memory loss and fatigue. He's been that way since he was held without charge for 73 days by state security — even after a judge ordered his release.

Beheiri, 25, wrote about corruption and workers' rights. He worked in a state-owned textile factory where tens of thousands of workers went on strike last April in a dispute with the government over wages. He said he had been beaten, shocked, handcuffed and manacled through much of his ordeal.

"For a second, after the judge said I should be freed, I thought there really were laws in this country," Beheiri said, dragging on a cigarette.

Diaa Eddin Gad, 23, another blogger, was grabbed the same day as Rizk and has not been heard from since.

But there is a gray line through it all. The Muslim Brotherhood — a religious and social movement that wants to see Egypt ruled by Islamic law — is legally banned and its members are often arrested, even tried before military courts. But it has offices around the country and is allowed to operate religious and charitable activities.

There are some critics who say that the government allows the brotherhood to survive so that Egyptian officials can say to the West that they are fighting to keep the Islamists from power.

Still, 740 of its members were arrested because they protested in support of the Palestinians in Gaza.

"There is a red line: don't make a big deal of your ideas," said Nasser Hobshi, 42, an engineer, as he sat with friends at an outdoor café near the stock exchange.

There are laws on the books that provide for some degree of due process. Even the emergency law, which gives the government broad powers to ignore civil protections in the Constitution and to detain citizens without charge, requires the authorities to make public that a person was detained, legal experts here said. But, they say, the rules are often ignored, largely because the security forces operate with impunity.

There is also a belief among some political activists here that Egypt's leaders think the new administration in Washington is too busy with the transition and the economic crisis to think much about repression in Cairo.

"It's an old regime that doesn't have the imagination to find new answers," said Hassan Nafaa, a former political science professor at Cairo University. "This pattern of repression — it is not the result of a political vision; it is the product of a security apparatus."

The government disputes the criticism. General Hamdy Abdel Karim, a spokesman for the Interior Ministry, said: "None of these false allegations on the part of wrongdoers are going to stop me from exercising my authority to enforce stability and order. Anyone in trouble will try to justify his position."

He added: "Your impression is wrong, wrong, wrong, because you're listening to some bloggers. But to get the real general impression, you have to go back to the street and ask the people who deal with the police on a daily basis."

Where better to ask than in bustling Falaki Square, where Sayed Mohammed, 50, had a cigarette in his mouth as he tinkered with the engine of his white Peugeot.

"Of course there are laws," he said with a quick qualification: "Texts."

"They say the people who go to jail are against the government," he said. "But when you look at how the system works here, you see that it's the government who is against the people."

Hamas: Draft for Gaza truce has been reached

Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff

Haaretz Correspondents

February 5

Egypt and Hamas have reached a draft agreement on a cease-fire with Israel in the Gaza Strip, a representative from the Islamist group told the Egyptian newspaper Al-Ahram on Thursday.

The representative, Salah al-Bardawil, said that the draft stipulates a year-and-a-half long truce between Hamas and Israel. It also includes the opening of all border crossings for 80 percent of goods. Israel would need to clarify exactly what type of goods it would allow in, Bardawil said.

Bardawil told the Egyptian newspaper that according to the draft agreement, the Rafah crossing would be closed from time to time. He also said that Israel rejected a proposal to station international observers on the Rafah border.

Israeli security officials said Wednesday they believed Egypt and Hamas were making significant progress in drafting terms for a long-term lull in fighting in the Gaza Strip, but that a number of unresolved issues remain between the two sides.

Egypt had set Thursday as the target date for signing the agreement, but the differences in opinion mean it may take several more days or even longer before a deal is reached, with all clarifications set.

Israel is not participating in the talks, but is expected to arrive at a verbal agreement with Egypt that would allow the lull to continue at a later date.

Egypt has been pushing for an agreement that includes a lull for a year and a half, while Israel prefers to see one lasting only a year, and in the framework of a non-binding agreement.

A key issue in the negotiations is the opening of Rafah crossing, which Hamas is seeking to have opened completely, with Turkish troops monitoring its operation, in accordance with a plan drafted by the United States three years ago. Egypt is opposed to such a move, but is nevertheless seeking to place a force loyal to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at the crossing, a proposal Hamas has thus far resisted.

Another outstanding issue is the Israeli request to create a half-kilometer buffer zone in the area known as the "security parameter" on the Palestinian side of the border fence with Israel. Israel is seeking to prevent the entry of armed militants to the area to combat the placement of explosive devices or the digging of tunnels there.

Another critical issue involves the link between the release of captive Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit with the lull and the opening of crossings. Israel is demanding that even a partial opening of the crossings be dependent on progress towards Shalit's release, for example providing a clear sign the soldier is still alive. Hamas has until now opposed such a link. Egypt has expressed uncertainty in relation to its capacity to force Hamas into such an agreement, but promised Israel it would make efforts towards that end.

See also:

Newsweek - Unusual diplomatic advice

Latest from the Middle East

Last operations on the ground, Day 18 - IHT

The tasks of diplomacy - The Jerusalem Post

Egypt pushes Hamas to accept truce - AP

China is entering the stage - Xinhua

Egyptian intellectuals pay price for curiosity

LA Times

Rapprochement with Israel is a fraught issue. Most want to wait until Palestinians have a state, others support limited peace, and those who have done the unthinkable and visited Israel face ostracism

By Jeffrey Fleishman
December 16, 2008

Reporting from Cairo -- It has been a tough peace for Ali Salem. His plays don't have a stage. Intellectuals shun him; the writers union refuses to pay his pension. He sits in a cafe window, typing on his laptop and defending his choice long ago to cross the border into Israel and make friends.

Egypt and Israel made peace in 1979, but that treaty remains as agitating to Egyptian artists and intellectuals as a sliver of glass beneath the skin. Most of them don't accept it, and those who do are often vilified, their artistic voices muffled by condemnation.

"Producers are afraid to come near me," said Salem, who in 1994 drove his car across Israel and wrote what critics considered a sympathetic book about the journey. "I anticipated there would be a strong reaction, but I didn't expect it would be so mean. It's hard and this is the wound."

Salem, a columnist for Al Hayat newspaper and a co-founder of the Cairo Peace Movement, added: "Peace is the right idea. But Egyptian intellectuals are afraid and can't get rid of their ancient fears. They still think Israel and the U.S. will inflict something bad upon us."

There are degrees of resistance among intellectuals toward rapprochement. Many oppose improving relations until Palestinians have their own state; others support limited peace but are guarded when discussing the passions around the Arab-Israeli conflict; a few have visited Israel to interact with their Jewish counterparts.

And, occasionally, an artist unwittingly becomes the target of screeds and opinion page vitriol. Filmmaker Nadia Kamel’s recent documentary about her mother's Jewish roots was attacked as a call to "normalize" relations with Israel. Opera singer Gaber Beltagui had his membership in the musicians union suspended in 2007 when he sang at the 100th anniversary of a Cairo synagogue.

"How can he go sing at a synagogue while they [Israelis] are killing our sons?" Mounir Wasseemy, the head of the Musical Artists' Syndicate, said, denouncing Beltagui. "What glory was he seeking?"

The Cairo synagogue is "officially recorded as an Egyptian monument," said Beltagui, who has filed suit against the union. "I did not expect this reaction. I did nothing wrong. I had even asked permission from the state security services before I sang."

Similar furor has engulfed Mohammed Sayed Tantawi, the grand sheik of Cairo's Al Azhar Mosque, the leading Sunni institution in the Islamic world. Writers and newspapers have called for Tantawi’s resignation after he was photographed shaking hands with Israeli President Shimon Peres at a recent international conference on religious understanding sponsored by the United Nations.

The sheik said he had not recognized Peres, and has called his detractors "lunatics."

Gamal Ghitani is one of Egypt's best novelists. He covered the 1973 war as a correspondent and is curious to see the land of his enemy. That is not likely to happen soon; Ghitani's refusal to travel to Israel has not wavered in more than three decades.

"Cultural exchange can't be fruitful unless Israel achieves peace on the ground," he said. "How can I be at peace with this peace if Israel relies on its military superiority, builds fences and settlements and keeps kicking Palestinians out? Politics can follow the path it wants, but we as intellectuals must follow our conscience."

A chat with him on a recent morning rolled through history and present-day dangers. Ghitani, a polished man in a blue blazer, equates radical Zionists with Palestinian mujahedin, and he draws a distinction between individual Jews and the actions of a Jewish state. His conversation was laced with nuance and shifting politics; he said he opposed the criticism directed at opera singer Beltagui as "a form of extremism."

Yet he promised not to budge on making his own peace with Israel.

"This will take time," said Ghitani, editor of the literary journal Akhbar Al-Adab. "We can't go to Israel while they are killing Palestinians."

Salem was as rumpled as Ghitani was meticulous. Sitting in a cafe in a flannel shirt, Salem, a big man with rounded shoulders, leaned forward, his voice rattling like the growl of a loose muffler.

He was an established playwright when Cairo was ostracized by the Arab world after President Anwar Sadat traveled to Washington to sign the Camp David peace accords with Israel's Menachem Begin.

His open support of that peace, and his befriending of Jewish intellectuals, has cost him. The Egyptian Writers' Union stopped paying his pension in 2001 and he hasn't had a play produced here in years. So he has turned his newspaper column into a kind of one-man theatrical show. It's not the same as a production, but it allows him to vent.

"Peace will not come to you; you have to make it, you have to sculpt it," he said. "The intellectuals here always pull Israel from the bottom of the drawer and set it on the table. They can't move beyond it.

"But you know, business deals lead to peace, not 'enlightenment' from writers and intellectuals. . . . If you ask any Egyptian businessman, he will tell you there is peace with Israel. There's real cooperation on security, commerce and politics."

In November, Salem was awarded the $50,000 Civil Courage Prize from the Train Foundation, a New York-based trust that promotes tolerance and resistance to extremism, which recognized his commitment to peace with Israel and opposition to Islamic radicalism. When Salem discussed the prize, there was a shine in his eyes, the kind a man has when he gets one over on his critics.

He made his 1994 trip to Israel -- his first -- after the Oslo accords. His book about the journey, "My Drive to Israel," reportedly sold 60,000 copies and angered Egyptian intellectuals, as did his honorary doctorate from Israel's Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

"When I went to Israel, I just wanted to see who are these people and what are they doing," he said. "The writers union still wants me to repent. But they will never forgive me if I retreat. That's when the real attacks would come, because deep down they know I speak the truth."

Fleishman is a Times staff writer.

jeffrey.fleishman@latimes.com

Noha El-Hennawy of The Times' Cairo Bureau contributed to this report.